05/06/2008 Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem - UNICAMP Workshop on "Interfaces"

05/06/2008 Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem - UNICAMP Workshop on "Interfaces" 1. Introduction VOS SENTENCES IN EUROPEAN PORTUGUESE: P-MOVEMENT AND INTONATIONAL STRUCTURE Flaviane Romani Fernandes-Svartman flaviane@gmail.com (Unicamp) 1.1. Aims Analysis of the syntactical derivation and the intonational structure associated with VOS sentences of European Portuguese (henceforth, EP). 1.2. Previews VOS sentences in EP: strategy to express the information focus on subject (cf. Âmbar, 1992, 1999; Costa, 1996, 1998, 2004). Information focus: new information non contrastive. [ Context: You know that somebody ate the cake. I heard that somebody ate the cake, but I didn't understand who ate the cake. Then, I ask you: Who ate the cake? ] (1) Comeu o bolo o Paulo. ate the cake the Paulo 'Paulo ate the cake'. Contrastive focus on subject in EP [Contexto: Tu viste o Paulo a comer o bolo. Ouvi dizer que a Maria comeu o bolo, mas não tenho certeza disto. Então, pergunto-te: Comeu a Maria o bolo?] [ Context: You saw Paul eating the cake. I heard that Mary ate the cake, but I'm not sure about it. Then, I ask you: Did Mary eat the cake? ] (2) (Não) Paulo comeu o bolo. (Non) Paul o ate the cake 'Paulo ate the cake'. Intuitive affirmation about the intonational structure associated with VOS sentences: VOS sentences present the same prosody associated with SVO neutral sentences (see Costa, 2004 for EP and Belletti, 1999 for Italian). 1.3. Hypothesis Information focus on subject in EP [Contexto: Tu sabes quem comeu o bolo. Eu ouvi dizer que alguém comeu o bolo, mas não percebi exactamente quem comeu o bolo. Então, pergunto-te: Quem comeu o bolo?] The prosody reflected on the intonational structure may codify the syntactical structures associated with EP SVO 1

neutral sentences and EP VOS subject-information-focus sentences in a different way. Our hypothesis is based on Frota (1994). According to the experimental results obtained by Frota, the intonational contour associated with EP special syntactical structures is locally (sometimes, globally) affected in relation to EP neutral contour. 1 Hypothesis investigation: Comparative analysis of syntactical and intonational structures of EP sentences in neutral and subjectinformation-focus conditions. 2. EP neutral sentences Neutral order: unmarked order specific conditions (syntactic, semantic, prosodic or pragmatic conditions) are not associated with this order cf. Âmbar (1992). Neutral order in EP sentences with S (subject), V (verb) and O (object) elements: SVO EP (2) a. A Joana comeu a sopa. Joana ate the soup. (SVO) b. A Joana, a sopa, comeu. *Joana, the soup, ate. (SOV) c. Ontem comeu a Joana a sopa. *Yesterday ate Joana the soup. (VSO) d. A sopa, a Joana comeu. *The soup, Joana ate. (OSV) e. A sopa, comeu a Joana. *The soup, ate Joana. (OVS) f. Comeu a sopa, a Joana. *Ate the soup, Joana. (VOS) 1 Special syntactical structures means here: syntactical structures different from syntactical structures associated with EP neutral sentences ordinarily (cf. Duarte, 1987, 1996; Âmbar, 1992; Martins, 1994; Costa, 1998, 2004; among others, for the syntactical structure of EP neutral sentences). Cf. Âmbar (1992). 2.1. The syntactical derivation of SVO neutral sentences of EP: the subject position 2 2.1.1. The subject position in EP neutral sentences: The preverbal subject is in Spec,IP 3 (cf. Duarte, 1987, 1996; Âmbar, 1992; Martins, 1994; Costa, 1996, 1998, 2004) 4 (2a ) [IP A Joana i [I comeu j [VP t i t j a sopa]]] Some arguments (cf. Costa, 1998, 2004): A. Unstressed negative QPs: (3) a. Ninguém provavelmente leu esse livro. nobody probably read that book b. Nessuno/*Nessuno probabilmente ha sbagliato. nobody probably failed B. No minimality effects (4) a. Perguntei que livros o Paulo leu. (I) asked which books the Paulo read b. *Perguntei que livros, à Maria, lhe deram. (I) asked which books, to the Maria her CL-DAT (they) gave C. Multiple preposing 2 We assume here the traditional analysis for the verb and the object of EP neutral sentences (cf. Costa, 1998, 2004). According to this analysis, the verb occupies the Infl position and the object occupies the base-position. See Costa & Galves (2002) for a deep discussion about the verb position in Portuguese. 3 We do not consider here the split IP hypothesis. See Pollock (1989); Belletti (1990); Iatridou (1990) for this topic. And see Galves (1993, 2001); Figueiredo Silva (1996); Kato (1999, 2000); Costa & Galves (2002); Tavares Silva (2004); among others, for this topic in Portuguese. 4 See Barbosa (1995, 2000) and Costa (2001) for a different propose to the preverbal subject position in EP. 2

(5) a. Sobre sintaxe, aos alunos, o Rui falou. about syntax, to the students, the Rui talked b.?? O Paulo, esse bolo, comeu-o. the Paulo, that cake, ate it CL-ACC c. Esse bolo, o Paulo comeu-o. that cake, the Paulo ate it 2.2. The intonational structure associated with SVO neutral sentences of EP (6) As miúdas belas lavaram as luvas. the girls beautiful washed the gloves The beautiful girls washed the gloves. (6 ) [[(as miúdas)ω(belas)ω]φ[(lavaram)ω]φ[(as LUvas) ω]φ]i 5 H H+L* Li Figure 1: F 0 contour of the sentence As miúdas belas lavaram as luvas The beautiful girls washed the gloves, produced in neutral context by an EP native speaker. Tonal events associated with initial and final intonational phrase (I) boundaries (tonal events associated with the I- initial and I-final prosodic words (ωs)) see also Frota, 1997, 2000, 2002a, b, 2003; Vigário, 1998; Fernandes, 2007; Fernandes-Svartman, 2007. 3. EP VOS sentences VOS: EP subject-information-focus strategy. EP VOS sentences derivation proposed here: P-movement (cf. Zubizarreta, 1998) 3.1. The p-movement P-movement: is not motivated by syntactical traces checking and occurs when two nodes α and β have contradictory prosodic properties, e. g., iff: (i) α and β are metrical sisters; (ii) α bears a prosodic focus prominence (Focus Prominence Rule - FPR) and β bears the principal prominence of the sentence (Nuclear Stress Rule - NSR). (7)...[ δ [ α ph*]... [ β ph*]], where α and β are metrical sisters. (Zubizarreta, 1998:139) 5 See Frota (2000) for the formation of phonological and intonational phrases in EP and Vigário (2003) for the phonological word in EP. 3.2. The syntactical derivation of EP VOS sentences by p- movement: 3

(8) Levaram as malas as governadoras. brought the bags the governors (8 ) [IP pro [I [I levaram j [VP as malas l [VP as governadoras t j t l ]]]]] The object is moved by p-movement. Why may we consider VOS EP sentences p-movement cases? (i) VOS EP sentences are only possible in subjectinformation-focus context (where there is interaction between the prosodic focus prominence and the principal prominence of the sentence): (9) Contexto: Tu sabes que as governadoras levaram as malas quando foram viajar. Eu ouvi dizer que alguém levou as malas, mas não percebi exactamente quem, então, pergunto-te: Quem levou as malas? Context: You know that somebody brought the bags. I heard that somebody brought the bags, but I didn't understand who brought the bags. Then, I ask you: Who brought the bags? The EP speaker answers: Levaram as malas as governadoras. brought the bags the governors (cf. Fernandes, 2007) (ii) The object movement is not motivated by any syntactical trace checking: a. It is the focus subject that carries the focus trace (+F), not the object; b. The object checks its Case-trace under the Agree operation (cf. Chomsky, 2000, 2001, 2004), (I) then, it is not necessary the object adjunction to VP for the object Case-trace checking. c. The object movement is local and it occurs in contexts where the subject and the object have contradictory prosodic properties: (8 ) [IP... levaram j [VP as governadoras t j as malas]] FPR NSR 3.2.2. Objects in EP VOS sentences: object movement across the subject in SpecVP (cf. Costa, 1998, 2004) Object movement vs. VO movement (or Remnant Move): A. TP/VP mobility (9) Leu o livro o Pedro. read the book the Pedro (10) a. Foi o livro o que o Pedro leu. (it) was the book that the Pedro read b. Foi ler o livro o que o Pedro fez. (it) was read the book what the Pedro did (11) a. *Era ter lido o livro o que o Paulo tinha feito. (it) was have read the book what the Paulo had done b. Era o livro o que o Paulo tinha lido. (it) was the book that the Paulo had read B. Clitics: enclisis vs. proclisis The quantified DP subject in SpecIP triggers proclisis, not enclisis (cf. Duarte & Matos, 2000; among others) 4

(II) (12) a. Ontem deram-no a Maria todos os meninos. Yesterday gave -it CL-ACC to Maria all the children b. *Ontem o deram à Maria todos os meninos. C. Properties of the object (13) a.?viu um gato o Paulo. saw a cat the Paulo b. *Viu um homem qualquer o Paulo. saw some man the Paulo c.?? Leu algo o Paulo. read something the Paulo The subject is in SpecVP in EP VOS sentences: A. The distribution of adverbs (14) a. Comeu bem a sopa o Paulo. ate well the soup the Paulo b. Comeu a sopa bem o Paulo. c. *Comeu a sopa o Paulo bem. ate the soup a man c. Comeu a sopa, não comeu?, o Paulo. ate the soup, not ate?, the Paulo d. *Comeu a sopa, não comeu?, um homem qualquer. Ate the soup, not ate?, some man 3.3. The intonational structure associated with EP VOS sentences (17) Levaram as malas as governadoras brought the bags the governors The governors brought the bags. (17 ) [[(levaram)ω]φ[(as MAlas)ω]φ [(as governadoras)ω]φ]i H* L*+H H+L* Li B. Binding effects (15) a. *Viu [ object o Paulo i ] [ subject o seu i irmão]. saw the Paulo his brother b. Viu [ subject o Paulo i ] [ object o seu i irmão]. c. Viu [ object o Paulo i ], não viu?, [ subject o seu i irmão]. C. The differences between definites and indefinites: (16) a. Comeu a sopa o Paulo. ate the soup the Paulo b. Comeu a sopa um homem. Figure 2: F 0 contour of the sentence Levaram as malas as governadoras, produced in the information-subject-focus context by an EP native speaker. Pitch accents associated with head-ωs of each φ of the I (see Frota, 1994; Vigário, 1998; Fermandes 2007, Fernandes- 5

Svartman, 2007 for the prosodic codification of EP special syntactical structures like sentences with dislocated elements, sentences with adverbs in different positions and with different scopes, adverb-verbsubject word order sentences and pseudo-cleft sentences, respectively); There is a specific pitch accent L*+H associated with the head-ω of the φ in which the focus element moved from the right I-boundary is mapped (cf. Fernandes, 2007; Fernandes-Svartman, 2007). 4. Final considerations: syntax and prosodic codification Confirmation of our initial hypothesis: The intonational structure associated with EP VOS sentences is different from the intonational structure associated with EP SVO neutral sentences: The focus subject in EP VOS sentences does not bear specific prosodic (intonational) information, but the moved object does. There is a specific pitch accent (L*+H) associated with the head-ω of the φ that contains the element moved from the right I-boundary. The intonational contour associated with EP VOS sentences presents more tonal events than the intonational contour associated with EP neutral sentences, as well as the intonational structures associated with EP special syntactic structures analyzed by Frota (1994), Vigário (1998), Fernandes (2007) and Fernandes-Svartman (2007). Acknowledgments I would like to thank: Charlotte Galves (the thesis advisor of my Ph.D. dissertation), Mary Kato and Ruth Lopes for their comments on the syntactical analysis of EP sentences; Sónia Frota and Marina Vigário for their helpful and essential comments on the intonational analysis of EP sentences; The EP speakers for their patience in recording the sentences. I also thank the Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo and the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior for financial support in the development of this research (Ph.D. scholarship: Fapesp 03/13938-5; and Ph.D. sandwich scholarship: CAPES BEX 0183/05-9). References ÂMBAR, M. M. Para uma sintaxe da inversão sujeito-verbo em Português. Lisboa: Edições Colibri, 1992.. Aspects of the Syntax of Focus in Portuguese. In: REBUSCHI, G. & L. TULLER (Eds.). The grammar of focus. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1999. BARBOSA, P. Null Subjects. Tese de doutorado. Mass.: MIT, 1995.. Clitics: a window into the null subject property. In: COSTA, J. (Ed.). Portuguese Syntax. New comparative studies. Oxford University Press, 2000. BELLETTI, A. Generaralized Verb Movement. Aspects of Verb Syntax. Torino, Rosenberg e Sellier, 1990.. Inversion as focalization and related questions. Catalan Working Papers in Linguistics, n. 7, 1999. COSTA, J. Word Order and Constraint Interaction. Seminários de Lingüística. Universidade do Algarve, 1996, p. 65-102. 6

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