On the position of sempre in Medieval Portuguese and in Modern European Portuguese Alexandra Fiéis Universidade Nova de Lisboa

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1 On the position of sempre in Medieval Portuguese and in Modern European Portuguese Alexandra Fiéis Universidade Nova de Lisboa 1. Introduction In Modern European Portuguese (MEP) the adverb sempre can have two different interpretations: a confirmative, or non-temporal, and a temporal interpretation. In the confirmative interpretation sempre means 'after all', and in the temporal interpretation it means 'always'. Each interpretation is derived from the position sempre occupies in the sentence. In this talk we will refer to sentences with sempre in MEP and also in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), and we will see that these varieties of Portuguese behave differently as to the placement and interpretation of sempre. This situation is assumed in the literature as deriving from aspects of clause structure, such as verb movement and licensing of null subjects. In Medieval Portuguese (MP), however, sempre is always temporal and can be placed before or after the verb. Bearing this in mind, we have three main goals: 1. To understand the variation between pre- and post-verbal temporal sempre in MP; 2. To figure out what changes might have occurred during the history of Portuguese that led to a more strict word order, as far as the adverb sempre is concerned; 3. To argue that the variation we find in MP does not relate to structural differences of the kind we find between MEP and BP, but rather to the inherent semantics of sempre. We will be proposing that somewhere during the history of Portuguese there was a specialization of the adverb sempre, that resulted in the fact that its syntactic placement derives its meaning. To help us reinforce this idea, we used examples from Classical Portuguese (CP), for it was during this period that the first occurrences of non-temporal sempre appeared. 2. Modern European Portuguese and Brazilian Portuguese In MEP, temporal sempre 'always' occurs in a post-verbal position whereas, in BP, it is preverbal (cf. Ambar, Gonzaga e Negrão 2004, Brito 2001). See (1): (1) a. O João come sempre pão ao almoço (MEP) (the John eats always bread at lunch) b. O João sempre come pão ao almoço 1 (BP) (the John always eats bread at lunch) In MEP, the confirmative reading of sempre is obtained when sempre is pre-verbal, with the verb either in present or past tense, as in (2). 1 Speakers of BP all agree that this is the common order for temporal sempre, V-sempre, although being possible, is very marked. 1

2 (2) O João sempre vai / foi a França. (the John after all goes / went to France) On the contrary, for a sentence like (2), in BP, only the temporal interpretation of sempre is available. This does not happen when a negative marker occurs between the adverb and the verb, for negation is incompatible with the temporal interpretation of pre-verbal sempre, as in (3). (3) a. O João sempre não construiu casas. (the John after all not built houses) b. A Maria sempre não gostou de ler. (the Mary after all not enjoyed to-read) In addition, sempre, at least in MEP, has a value of temporal iterativity (meaning 'every time', every day'), which makes it incompatible with [+specific] complements, like in (4): (4) a. O João sempre construiu a casa [+specific] = non-temporal reading (the John after all built the house) b. O João sempre construiu casas [-specific] = temporal reading (the John always built houses) However, the idea that the [± specificity] feature of the object and tense may change the interpretation of sempre disappears when sempre occurs post-verbally, the position where it is always temporal. (5) a. O João construiu sempre casas. (the John built always houses) b. O João constrói sempre casas. (the John builds always houses) 3. Corpora In the present study, the following digitalized corpora were used: - Corpus Informatizado do Português Medieval (CIPM): - Corpus Histórico do Português Tycho-Brahe (TB): And occasionally, - Corpus do Português Davies/Ferreira (DF): 4. The data The following sections will be devoted to the presentation of the relevant data. In 4.1. we present occurrences of sempre in MP and, in 4.2., we introduce CP, in order to see if there are already any changes as far as position and interpretation of sempre is concerned Medieval Portuguese In MP the confirmative interpretation of sempre does not occur, at least in our corpus of written texts (this same observation was made by Martins 1994); The adverb sempre has a temporal value in every context, meaning 'at every moment': this is so regardless of tense and it happens in sentences with both lexicalized and null subjects (cf and 4.1.2). 2

3 In we will be presenting examples of V-Adv and Adv-V with temporal reading regardless of verbal tense Adv-V and V-Adv with lexicalized subjects It is worth noticing that pre-verbal sempre in sentences from MP with lexicalized subjects surfaces mostly as Adv-Subj-V, as shown in (6) 2. Adv-Subj-V: (6) a. se essa erdade falezer per lauor que a perçades & senpre huu ome de uossa parte tena essa erdade & seya teudo de pagar esse foro delaa [CIPM 1271 HGP094] b. E déuesse o bispo a deytarsse en prezes ante o altar rrogando a Deus por elles que lhys perdoe e enquanto elle esto fezer sempre elles deuem iazer tendudos en terra e orando e rrogando a Deus que nõ cate a sseus pecados que ssom muytos e grandes [CIPM 1350ca PP] c. Acerca do que dito he poeremos tres notados. Ho primeiro he que, ẽ as cousas necessarias aa salvaçã, sempre Deos socorre e nunca fallece aos que as desejam e buscã, salvo per sua propia culpa e desmerecimento. [CIPM 14 th c. Cat] d. Soõ de espamto he sempre nas suas orelhas, aimda que seja paaz, sempre ele suspeita aseytamemtos. [CIPM 14 th c. LHB] (always he suspects) e. E sabede que sempre o ermitam iia após ele a pee, que nom queria sobir em besta. Adv-V-Subj: (7) a. Ca pero que sse estes façã de fora eno corpo sempre fica a alma assinaada per elles. [CIPM 1350ca PP] b. E, depois que a o muy nobre rey dom Fernando ouve tomada, sempre foy a frontaria muy bem defesa e segura. [CIPM 14 th c. CGE] c. Ca, posto que alguũs errassem, sempre há e ouve outros que tevessem a fee verdadeyra [CIPM 14 th c. Cat] d. senpre pode todo dízímeyro da Ribeyra e todo porteyro que tẽe Custume he que senpre pode todo dízímeyro da Ribeyra e todo porteyro que tẽe portagẽes de demãdar seu dereyto en qual tenpo quer [CIPM CS3] Subj-Adv-V: (8) a. ca o padre ou a madre sempre son teudos de gouernar seus fillos. [CIPM 1280? FR] b. E os Senhores sempre deuem a auer seruidores de sua condiçom [CIPM LTV] c. homem sempre teme seer descuberto. [CIPM 15 th c. CP] (the-man always fears to be discovered) d. Dom Duarte & aquelles que com elle heram sempre faziã mostramça aos mouros que aviam delles pouco temor [CIPM 15 th c. ZPM] 2 Interestingly, this order is accepted by BP speakers with the temporal interpretation. 3

4 Subj-V-Adv: (9) a. nõ poderás la entrar. porque estes estam senpre ante a presença de Deos. [CIPM 13/14 th c. VS5] b. E elles mẽtiam. que Deos dereito he senpre [CIPM 13/14 th c. VS5] c. E o ifante amou sempre muito a este priol dom Alvaro [CIPM 14 th c. NLL056] d. sua molher e seus herdeiros dem em cada hũu ãno Sempre ao dito Moesteiro seis llibras da moeda antiga [CIPM 1407 DN175] V-Subj-Adv: (10) a. mãdo toda mia heredade a Sancha Uermũez su tal condizũ que lle dẽ seus fillos sẽpre per ela guarimento ĩ seus dias & esto por seu auer que lle eu despedi. [CIPM 1258 HGP021] b. E isto ouue ele sempre e trousse a plazer do Moesteiro por amor que ele fazia aos Priores desse Moesteiro cadá áno. e ahos ffrades. desse logo cadá áno. [CIPM 1299 DN028] c. Per enveja peca homem sempre [CIPM 15 th c. CP] d. E el verdadeiramente, porque o tenho por senhor e por amigo, pero que m el nom vem veer como amigo mas como a imigo mortal, seguro-o que se nom guarde de mim, ante o guardarei eu sempre e todos aqueles que vir que lhi querem mal fazer. V- Adv-Subj: (11) a. E este anniversairo fez sempre el rey dom Afonso cada ano, en quanto ouve os reynos ẽ seu poder. [CIPM 14 th c. CAXL] b. E ajudouho sempre el rey dom Fernando en toda sua vida [CIPM 14 th c. CAXL] c. Esta Senhora dara hordem que aa ssaida de ssua capella. sejam sempre algũũs pobres a que ella mesma por omildade & deuaçom. em memoria & synal que ella nom deue desprezar a pobreza & lhe dara esmolla de sua mãão. [CIPM LTV] d. E foy uẽcido e preso o enperador Valeriano e lançado ẽ muy desonrrado catiueyro, ẽ que ẽuelheceo ataa sua morte, ca, ẽ quanto uiueo, auya tal officio que, quando aquelle rey de Persya auia de caualgar, logo Ualeriano se amergia, ẽ tal guisa que decima das costas delle caualgaua senpre aquel rey, poendo os pees ẽcima delle. [CIPM 15 th c. OE] Adv-V and V-Adv with null subjects V-Adv: (12) a. E rogo que cada uno destes aiuersairos facan sempre en dia de mia morte [CIPM 1214 TT] b. E tal rregra guardavõ senpre de-llo começo em aquel moesteiro. (And such rule kept3pl always since-the beginning in that monastery) [CIPM 13/14 th c. VS7] c. este he o meu corpo que por uos seera traudo e esto faredes sẽpre en mha rrenẽbrãça. [CIPM 1350ca PP] d. Aquela noite nom dormio pouco nem muito, ante pensou sempre em esto. 4

5 Adv-V: (13) a. Et se o ferir en Cara que senpre deuíse; entrelj a xviij uaras. [CIPM 1280? FG] b. e des aquel tenpo aca. ssenpre acho prestes minha ajudador a Virgem Maria [CIPM 13/14 th c. VS7] c. E cõta delle a estorya que sempre vencia. [CIPM 14 th c. CGE] (And tells of-him the History that always win3sg) d. E toda a meestria desto está que assy saibha todo fazer que sempre mostre que he feito com segurança real e verdadeira, e nom contrafeita. [CIPM LEBC] Temporal Adv-V and V-Adv and tense In MP, as illustrated in (14) to (20), the variation we can find between V-Adv and Adv-V, the adverb being temporal, occurs regardless of tense. 3 Simple Past (Pretérito Perfeito) (14) a. E o ifante amou sempre muito a este priol dem Álvaro [CIPM 14 th c. NLL056] b. Sempre eu disse ca nunca seerímos livres da prisom c. Em todas suas bemavemturanças naõ se levamtou em soberba, mas sempre louvou a seu Deus [CIPM 15 th c. CDJI2] Pluperfect (15) a. guaanharamos tam grandes riquezas que sempre foramos ricos e avondados. [CIPM 14 th c. CGE] b. o quall, em seus mesteres de guerra que ouvera com Castella, sempre o achara boom ajudador e leall amigo [CIPM 15 th c. CDF] c. respomdeo el Rei que por esto nam era escusado seu senhor do que theudo era, caa c. E quando os vio assi armados vĩir e sem companha conhoceu que eram cavaleiros andantes e foi mui alegre com eles, ca muito amara sempre cavalaria e aqueles que se trabalhavam dela. Simple Present (16) a. ca ssenpre homem gaanha obras ssem fruito [CIPM 13/14 th c. VS7] b. E deste corpo cativo lazerado te faço sacrificio. Ca eu sempre ando ẽ coytas e em marteyros cõ mouros e cõ cristããos. [CIPM séc. 14 CGE] c. d. Per enveja peca homem sempre [CIPM 15 th c. CP] Present Subjunctive (17) a. o prazo fique sempre firme estauil. [CIPM 1295 HGP107] b. cõtanto que elle Joham affomso e sua molher e seus herdeiros dem em cada hũu ãno Sempre ao dito Moesteiro seis llibras da moeda antiga [CIPM 1407 DN175] c. Outrossi que lhe rrogo que sempre seja amigo da casa de França [CIPM 15 th c. CDF] 3 Despite aspectual differences between them. 5

6 Past Subjunctive (18) a. E os iffãtes fezerom menajẽ, ennas mããos do Cide, que sempre amassẽ e servissem suas filhas e fezessem tanto por sua honrra e serviço delle come de seu senhor natural. [CIPM 14 th c. CGE] b. E mamdou nosso senhor que lhe ofereçessem os filhos de Isrraael olio de oliva muy puro por tal que ardessem sempre as luminarias e os camdieiros em o tabernacollo do testamemto [CIPM 14 th c. LHB] c. Eu me sentiria bem e bem me averia se sempre morasse no prazer que vi. Imperfect (19) a. por que jazia ẽ ella sempre a neve. [CIPM 14 th c. CGE] b. E estes hiam sempre de noite encubertamente ao arrayal delrrei de Castella [CIPM 15 th c. CDF] c. Mas a poer esto em obra, embargavom muito duas cousas. A primeira seer o Comde aguardado de mujtos e boõs fidallgos, que o sempre acompanhavom de dia e de noite [CIPM 15 th c. CDJI1] Future (20) a. E sempre seeremos prestes e aparelhados a todo vosso serviço. [CIPM 14 th c. CGE] b. E por esta razom seerei sempre a vosso serviço. [CIPM 14 th c. CGE] c. Assi fazede, disse a dona, e eu vos digo que bem vos sempre vinrá Classical Portuguese In CP (examples from the TB and the DF corpora), there are occurrences of both Adv-V and V-Adv with a temporal interpretation as well, as in (21) and (22), but there are also some cases where sempre, at least apparently, exhibits a confirmative value, as in (23). (21) a. o ter muito entendimento às vezes prejudica, o ter muito juízo sempre é útil [TB 1705 Aires] b. Os Príncipes sempre vêem de longe as acções de seus vassalos [DF FMM 1640?] (22) a. um deles é violento às vezes, o outro é suave sempre [TB 1705 Aires] b. Em tudo seguí sempre os termos da igualdade [DF 1637 FMM] (23) a. Esperamos que com tantos desenganos se lhe abram os olhos, e que acabem de vir em algum acomodamento, que sempre será melhor que a continuação da guerra, e nos deixará mais hábeis para fazermos outros, que tanto nos importam. [TB 1608 Vieira ] b. Mas, ainda no caso que ninguém se converta, nem o trabalho do operário fica inútil nem a palavra de Deus infecunda, porque o procurar a salvação dos próximos sempre assegura e promove a salvação própria. [TB 1644 Bernardes] c. Minhas tias, que sempre conservaram a casa da Cordoaria, de D. Joaquim de Saldanha, fizeram com que de novo para alli fossemos residir, supponho que para ficarem mais perto dos nossos parentes, Condes da Ega, na difficil crise que se ia passar. [TB 1861 Alorna] 6

7 5. Summary of the data MP CP BP MEP Adv-V V-Adv Confirmative Temporal (w/ restrictions) Confirmative Temporal 6. Previous proposals In the framework of Generative Grammar, some previous analyses of sempre as a temporal adjunct in MEP generally agree that, when it occurs post-verbally, sempre is in a VP adjunct position (considering that there is verb movement out of the VP) (Ambar, Gonzaga & Negrão 2004, Brito 2001, Martins 1994). However, there are different proposals in the literature for those cases when sempre precedes the verb Martins 1994: pre-verbal temporal and non-temporal sempre occupy the same syntactic position: Spec, FP (the position where focalized phrases and, possibly, also "emphatic operators" check their features) Brito 2001: pre-verbal sempre (temporal/aspectual or confirmative) is merged in adjunction to TP, there is short movement of the verb to T and the DP subject moves higher up to a position above T, that is, to Spec,AgrSP Gonzaga 1997 (following the idea that adverbs occupy Spec positions of different functional categories): pre-verbal sempre is projected in Spec, T O and movement to Spec, T S is also possible. This is meant to explain the relationship between [± specific] objects and the temporal values of the predicate Ambar et al. 2004: sempre is generated in the head position of TobjP (Tense Object Phrase). The confirmative reading obtains when the adverb targets the head AssertiveP carrying the adjoined verb with it. In MEP: post-verbal sempre targets the DistP head, the verb (in present tense) being in AgrSº (originates the correlation of events reading). When the verb is in past tense, the adverb additionally moves to Focus, for it must have scope over tense, which is necessary for the availability of the universal reading. In BP: the verb is always in Tº, which derives the pre-verbal position of sempre. 4 Recall that the author shows that pre-verbal sempre has temporal interpretation when it occurs with verbs in present and imperfect tense and with [-specific] objects, and it is confirmative when related to past tense and [+ specific] objects. However, verbal tenses and specificity on the object are not relevant to MP data. 7

8 7. Our proposal Recall what we said about MP data up to now: there is no confirmative sempre in our corpus; only temporal sempre occurs in our corpus; temporal sempre either occurs pre- or post-verbally in sentences with both lexical and null subjects; pre-verbal sempre in sentences with lexicalized subjects surfaces mostly as Adv-Subj- V A simplified syntactic structure According to the authors we studied, the differences we find in the interpretation and distribution of sempre in MEP and BP are directly connected to structural differences between the two systems. Namely, in what concerns the position of the verb and the different values associated with Tense. But,...if the structure is universal why don't we have the confirmative reading in MP? The answer being, because semantic interpretation is not structurally determined. The examples above - (6) to (14) - suggest that the variation we find in MP does not relate to structural differences of the kind we find between MEP and BP, for the following reasons: MP, like MEP, is a null subject SVO language; MP, like MEP, exhibits V-movement to the functional domain containing T; There is strong agreement in MP, like in MEP. Being so, and considering the status of sempre as a VP adjunct, we believe that a simplified syntactic structure, that is, with no additional functional categories, is perfectly capable of explaining MP data. As for sempre preceding both the verb and the subject, as in (6), it can be analysed as other temporal adverbs in MEP, like ontem, hoje, which may attach to high positions. Considering our set of examples, we are capable of stating the following: sempre being a lower adverb (an adjunct to VP), makes the order V-Adv unproblematic, for we claim that it is base generated in that position and there is V- movement to T (following Brito 2001, and also Costa 1998, 2004); When in pre-verbal position, sempre is merged in adjunction to TP, the subject being in a higher up position; When sempre precedes the subject (Adv-Subj-V), sempre might be analysed as other temporal adverbs, like ontem, hoje, which may attach to high positions (in MP nothing prevents adjunction to IP), that is, they don't show restrictions as to the adjunction site The specialization process However, the analysis leaves three important questions unanswered, as far as MP data is concerned: 8

9 (i) Why was there variation between Adv-V and V-Adv without changes in meaning? (ii) Why doesn't confirmative sempre occur (similarly to what happens in BP)? (iii) Why can we no longer have sempre preceding the subject? (iv) Why is the optionality between Adv-V and V-Adv no longer a possibility in MEP? Following the ideas in Costa 1998, 2004: The lexical entries of adverbs carry information about their meaning, form and categorical status. We propose that somewhere during the history of Portuguese there was a specialization of the adverb sempre, which led to its syntactic placement deriving its meaning. That is: i) Temporal value of sempre in MP was inherent and that enabled the adverb to occur either pre- or post-verbally without changes in meaning; 2) In MEP sempre has two values associated with it, and each one of them derives from its syntactic placement; iii) CP seems to reinforce this analysis, for it shows a specialization in the direction of associating position and interpretation. We may now answer the following questions: (i) Why was there variation between Adv-V and V-Adv? Because sempre in MP is inherently temporal (meaning 'at every moment') and, like other temporal adverbs, it distributes quite freely. (ii) Why doesn't confirmative sempre occur? Being inherently temporal, it cannot have other interpretations. (iii) Why is the optionality between Adv-V and V-Adv no longer a possibility in MEP? Since sempre may have two meanings (temporal and non-temporal), its interpretation will follow from its syntactic distribution. 8. Conclusion In conclusion, it is a lexical problem we are dealing with. We claim that sempre has information in its lexical entry concerning meaning, form and categorical status. This implies that if the meaning of an adverb is not specified in the lexicon, its syntactic placement derives its meaning. And this is what happens with sempre in MEP, which might be ambiguous. Contrarily, in MP, sempre is not ambiguous, it has an inherent meaning. So, if it has an inherent meaning, which is temporal, the prediction is that it can distribute quite freely. 9

10 Further research: We leave for further research the fact that in MP there are no occurrences of the adverbial expression sempre que 'whenever', an expression that correlates two events (whenever x, then y). What we can observe from our data is that sentences with pre-subject sempre, like (6), seem to disappear by the time the clausal domain associated with that specific value of quantification over events emerges. The first examples of sempre que "whenever" are dated from the 17th century (at least to our knowledge), exactly when the specialization process is ongoing. (23) a. Sempre que este santo varão comia, chorava. [TB 1644 Bernardes] b. Sempre que posso, afirmo: que o entendimento nao tem portas, que se cerrem para ua ciência e para outra se abram. [DF 1650 FMM] References Ambar, M., M. Gonzaga, E. V. Negrão (2004). "Tense, Quantification and Clause Structure in EP and BP". In Bok-Bennema, R., B. Hollebrandse, B. Kampers-Manhe e P. Sleeman. (eds). Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory Amsterdam. John Benjamins. v. 256: Belletti, A Generalized Verb Movement. Aspects of Verb Syntax. Torino. Rosenberg & Sellier. Brito, A. M "Clause structure, subject positions and verb movement: About the position of "sempre" in European Portuguese and Brazilian Portuguese". In D hulst, Y., J. Rooryck e J. Schroten (eds). Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory Amsterdam. Philadelphia. John Benjamins. v. 221: Costa, J "A Multifactorial approach to adverb placement: assumptions, facts, and problems". Lingua 114 (6) Costa, J Word Order Variation: A Constraint-based Approach. The Hague: Holland Academic Graphics. Gonzaga, M Aspectos da Sintaxe dos Advérbios em Português. MA Dissertation. University of Lisbon. Martins, A. M Clíticos na História do Português. PhD Dissertation. University of Lisbon. 10